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Senate Floor: LIFTING THE ARMS EMBARGO ON BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

  • George J. Mitchell
    Person
  • Chris Dodd
    Person
  • Joe Biden
    Person
  • Bob Dole
    Person
  • Sam Nunn
    Person
  • Orrin G. Hatch
    Person
  • Joseph I. Lieberman
    Person
  • Russ Feingold
    Person
  • Paul Wellstone
    Person
  • Nancy Kassebaum
    Person
  • Daniel Coats
    Person
  • John McCain
    Person
  • John Chafee
    Person
  • Mitch McConnell
    Person
  • Barbara Boxer
    Person
  • Conrad Burns
    Person
  • John Warner
    Person
  • Bob Smith
    Person
  • Larry Craig
    Person
  • Carl Levin
    Person
  • Claiborne Pell
    Person
  • Kay Bailey Hutchison
    Person
  • Jesse Helms
    Person
  • Not Labeled
    Person
  • Daniel Patrick Moynihan
    Person
  • Bill Bradley
    Person
  • Robert Byrd
    Person
  • Paul Simon
    Person
Unknown

Unknown
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Under the previous order, the Senate will now resume consideration of S. 2042, which the clerk will report. 5

Unknown
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The majority leader. 16

George J. Mitchell

Slightly Positive
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the time for debate on the two Bosnia amendments be controlled as follows: That Senator Mitchell control the last 5 minutes of his time before the vote; Senator Dole the last 5 minutes of his time just prior to Senator Mitchell; and that Senator Nunn control 7 minutes of Senator Mitchell's time just prior to Senator Dole's time. 19

Unknown
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Without objection, it is so ordered. 21

Slightly Negative
There will now be 1 hour for debate on amendments No. 1695 and No. 1696, offered by the Senator from Kansas [Mr. Dole], and the Senator from Maine [Mr. Mitchell], respectively. 22

George J. Mitchell

Unknown
I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished Senator from Kansas. 24

Unknown
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Kansas [Mrs. Kassebaum] is recognized for 3 minutes. 26

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Positive
Mr. President, today I rise in opposition to both amendments that have been offered by the distinguished leadership of the U.S. Senate, both Senator Dole and Senator Mitchell. I do so reluctantly because I support elements of both amendments, but as the Congress speaks on this important and difficult issue, we must do so with great care and deliberation. 28

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Negative
I first want to express my deep dissatisfaction with the administration's Bosnia policy. For the past 2 years, America and its NATO allies have dithered on the doorstep of Bosnia. We have been unwilling to force our way in and unable to walk away. Instead, we have sent in food for the hostages, muttered angry threats, and lobbed an occasional bomb at Serb tanks. 29

Nancy Kassebaum

Neutral
Mr. President, despite my serious concerns about the status quo, I do not believe that either the Dole or Mitchell resolutions offer an improved course of action. Both amendments urge a policy which is unwise at best -- and dangerous at worst. 30

Nancy Kassebaum

Slightly Negative
The Dole amendment mandates that the United States immediately and unilaterally left the arms embargo. While I strongly support lifting the embargo multilaterally, unilateral action is, I believe, a serious mistake. A number of other Senators, particularly my colleague from Virginia, Senator Warner, have set forth some compelling arguments against the Dole amendment. I would like to take just a moment to detail my worst fears about lifting the embargo unilaterally. 31

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Positive
First, I strongly believe that unilateral action on the embargo would set a very dangerous precedent. The United States -- which has a veto in the Security Council -- voted in favor of the embargo against what was then Yugoslavia. The Council subsequently reaffirmed the arms embargo. 32

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Positive
The supporters of the Dole amendment argue that the right to self- defense under article 51 of the U.N. Charter takes precedence over a Security Council resolution. Others, including the State Department, take a contrary view. Whatever the legalities of this issue, I am concerned about the practical consequences of unilaterally lifting the embargo. 33

Nancy Kassebaum

Somewhat Positive
I have little doubt that the U.S. abrogation of a U.N. Security Council resolution would undermine other U.N. embargoes around the world. The most obvious example is Iraq, where a number of U.N. members support lifting the embargo. But in that case, the United States has argued forcefully, and correctly, that the U.N. embargo must stay in place. 34

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Positive
A strong and muscular United Nations Security Council regime clearly serves United States interests -- from Iraq to North Korea to Serbia. If we take unilateral action, I fear that we will regret that decision for years to come. 35

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Positive
Second, unilaterally lifting the arms embargo would lead to a serious rift with our NATO allies. I recently met with a number of parliamentarians from Great Britain who raised a number of concerns about United States action. They believe, for example, that lifting the embargo would undermine the prospects for a political settlement. 36

Nancy Kassebaum

Neutral
Many of our NATO allies have troops on the ground as part of the United Nations peacekeeping force. To take unilateral action -- in direct opposition to the wishes of our allies who have troops on the ground -- is terribly irresponsible. It could, for example, endanger the lives of their forces. 37

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Negative
With the end of the cold war, NATO is undergoing a fundamental reevaluation of its role in this new era. Questions such as how to deal with the nations of Eastern Europe have already strained the alliance. At this delicate moment, unilateral United States action would damage the cohesion and strength of the NATO alliance. 38

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Positive
I make no apologies for the Europeans on the Bosnia question. Their leadership has been abysmal. But I continue to believe that we must work in concert with our allies. I agree with Senator Dole that we must lead -- but responsible leadership, not thoughtless, hasty and counterproductive unilateral action. 39

Nancy Kassebaum

Slightly Positive
Finally, lifting the embargo unilaterally means that we take on the responsibility for arming and supporting the Bosnian Government. To think otherwise is naive. 40

Nancy Kassebaum

Negative
This leads to a whole series of practical questions: How will the Bosnians get the arms? What type of arms will we send? If we are serious, do we need to send trainers? These are just a few of the many complicated questions that have not been answered. Before we head down this course of lifting the embargo alone, we must understand the full consequences. 41

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Positive
The Mitchell amendment takes a much more responsible approach to the arms embargo issue -- calling for the President to seek the multilateral lifting of the embargo at the United Nations. But, that is not all: The Mitchell amendment explicitly endorses air strikes in Bosnia. 42

Nancy Kassebaum

Somewhat Negative
It embraces the status quo policy -- muddling along, issuing threats, launching occasional air strikes, and hoping somehow that the Serbs will tire of their handiwork and come to the negotiating table. 43

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Positive
I, for one, believe this is a dangerous course. It allows us to be drawn deeper into commitments we have not made to a goal we have not set. In foreign policy, hoping for the best often guarantees the worst. 44

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Positive
Mr. President, we are all searching for a more effective and just Bosnia policy. I share the frustrations of those supporting the Dole amendment who want to help even the playing field. I also sympathize with the cosponsors of the Mitchell amendment who believe that air strikes will help protect the United Nations safe havens, where thousands of civilians are trapped. 45

Nancy Kassebaum

Very Positive
But we must judge the advantages and disadvantages of each proposal. I do not believe that either amendment offers an effective and wise policy at this stage, and I will oppose both. 46

Nancy Kassebaum

Leans Positive
Mr. President, I suggest it is a very serious consideration and one of the reasons I will strongly oppose the amendment by Senator Dole. 47

George J. Mitchell

Unknown
Mr. President, I yield 5 minutes to the Senator from Rhode Island, the distinguished chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee. 49

Unknown
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Rhode Island [Mr. Pell] is recognized for 5 minutes. 51

Claiborne Pell

Very Negative
Mr. President, earlier this week I spoke in depth about my opposition to the Dole-Lieberman legislation that would direct the President to lift the arms embargo unilaterally. As I said, lifting the arms embargo may seem like an easy, cost-free solution. Lifting the arms embargo may make us feel better, but I believe it is bad policy that could yield disastrous results. 53

Claiborne Pell

Very Negative
I would like to review briefly some of the reasons I believe it would be costly to lift the embargo unilaterally. The United States would be abrogating a U.N. Security Council resolution, setting a dangerous precedent which others could follow in breaking international embargoes such as those on Iraq and Libya. We would undermine our credibility as a trustworthy and responsible international partner and damage our relations in NATO, with Russia, and with other countries with troops on the ground in Bosnia. If we go it alone in lifting the arms embargo, we would take on a greater responsibility for the outcome of war. We could start down the slippery slope of greater U.S. engagement in the crisis. Lifting the arms embargo could have a terrible impact on the Bosnian people -- leaving them vulnerable to further Siberian obstruction of humanitarian assistance and to brutal attack. Finally, lifting the arms embargo could upset the delicate peace process now underway. 54

Claiborne Pell

Slightly Positive
There is a groundswell of support for taking some congressional action on Bosnia, but I do not believe that legislation mandating a lifting on the arms embargo, the Dole-Lieberman approach, need be the only outlet for congressional action. Accordingly, the majority leader has put forth legislation, of which I am a cosponsor, as an alternative to the Dole-Lieberman legislation. 55

Claiborne Pell

Very Positive
Senator Mitchell's amendment instructs the President to seek NATO and U.N. agreement to lift the arms embargo. I, for one, am not completely comfortable with the United States seizing the lead in lifting the embargo multilaterally. However, I am steadfast in my opposition to a unilateral lifting of the embargo, and accordingly, I view the majority leader's amendment as a helpful alternative to the Dole-Lieberman legislation. 56

Claiborne Pell

Very Positive
I agreed to cosponsor this legislation for these main reasons: it offers an alternative to the Dole-Lieberman legislation; it endorses a multilateral approach to ending the conflict in Bosnia; and it signals that Congress intends and expects to be involved in authorizing further United States military activity in Bosnia. I would urge my colleagues to join me in voting for this legislation. 57

George J. Mitchell

Unknown
Mr. President, I yield 10 minutes to the Senator from Delaware. 59

Unknown
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Delaware [Mr. Biden] is recognized for 10 minutes. 61

Joe Biden

Very Negative
Mr. President, it has been over 2 years, since the spring of 1992, during which the outside world has stood largely idle as the Republic of Bosnia -- a nation of Europe recognized by the United Nations -- has been attacked, raped, and dismembered by forces under the control and direction of a neighboring government. 63

Joe Biden

Neutral
Decades from now, historians will reflect on the Bosnian tragedy and wonder what compelled Western leaders to stand inert in the face of a challenge that so clearly threatened Western interests and Western values. 64

Joe Biden

Slightly Negative
Equally mysterious will be the language utilized to obfuscate Western inaction: 65

Joe Biden

Very Negative
We are told that the Bosnian crisis is a "difficult diplomatic problem" -- as if any foreign policy challenge were simple. 66

Joe Biden

Positive
We are told that we are doing all we can "consistent with our national interest" -- an articulation meant to imply that some larger strategic rationale requires us to be morally comatose. 67

Joe Biden

Very Negative
We are told that the genocide in Bosnia is a civil war, when it was obvious to all that the government in Belgrade was culpable in instigating the conflict. 68

Joe Biden

Slightly Negative
We have heard the Bosnian Government labeled "the Moslems" -- a choice of words designed to conjure up the frightful image of an Islamic tide sweeping across Europe -- when it was well understood that the Sarajevo government was multiethnic in character. 69

Joe Biden

Very Positive
We have designated safe areas, which have, until recently, been safe only for Serb gunners. 70

Joe Biden

Very Positive
We have deployed a United Nations protection force that, although equipped with ample supplies of courage, has barely been empowered to protect itself. 71

Joe Biden

Unknown
We have delivered ultimatums that, when implemented by U.N. bureaucrats, became not firm dictates, but negotiable instruments of diplomacy. 72

Joe Biden

Very Negative
We have purported to be neutral, while imposing an economic embargo against the aggressor and an arms embargo against the victim. 73

Joe Biden

Very Negative
And to demonstrate their evenhand- edness -- some U.N. commanders and European diplomats have gone so far as to accuse Bosnian forces of perpetuating the fighting -- a perverse form of moral relativism that equates Bosnian efforts in self-defense with illegal Serb aggression. 74

Joe Biden

Very Positive
The most recent display of neutrality by United Nations officials in Bosnia demonstrates that in fact they are not neutral at all -- but are willing to provide aid and comfort to the Serbs. 75

Joe Biden

Very Positive
Last week, the United Nations special envoy, Mr. Akashi, made an astonishing concession to the Bosnian Serbs: He granted them permission to transport tanks across Sarajevo. 76

Joe Biden

Negative
This, despite a NATO ultimatum, issued last February, barring the presence of any such weapons inside a zone extending 20 kilometers around Sarajevo. 77

Joe Biden

Unknown
It would be comical if it were not so tragic. 78

Joe Biden

Slightly Negative
Tomorrow, foreign ministers from the leading powers will gather in Geneva in hope of forging a joint approach to bring a negotiated settlement to the Bosnian war. 79

Joe Biden

Slightly Positive
As before, we will witness the sorry spectacle of our European allies pressing for an imposed settlement on the parties. 80

Joe Biden

Somewhat Positive
I do not disagree that a negotiated settlement is the only way to end the Bosnia crisis. But an honorable -- and more importantly -- enduring settlement can only result with a shift in the balance of power on the ground. 81

Joe Biden

Very Negative
An imposed peace might bring a temporary cessation of hostilities, but I fear that it would result in disastrous long-term consequences -- an unjust partition policed by United States and European soldiers who would quickly be transformed from peacekeepers to apartheid cops. 82

Joe Biden

Leans Negative
It is said that a termination of the arms embargo would come too late for Bosnia. I do not agree. 83

Joe Biden

Very Negative
The war is now at a critical stage. Although the guns have fallen silent in Sarajevo and around the other safe areas, Bosnian Serb troops are on the march elsewhere in the countryside. 84

Joe Biden

Very Positive
Having achieved most of their territorial aims, Serbia and the Bosnian Serbs seek to consolidate their conquests by expanding corridors which will assure the viability of a greater Serbia. 85

Joe Biden

Very Positive
Thus, after the siege of Gorazde assured the vitality of a route to the Adriatic, Serb forces are now converging in the northeast of Bosnia, poised to widen the corridor near Brcko that links Serbia with Serb-held areas in Croatia. 86

Joe Biden

Slightly Positive
Further to the south, Bosnian Serb forces are also massing near the town of Olovo, and are poised to squeeze government-held territory, centered on Tuzla, from two directions. 87

Joe Biden

Very Negative
Horrible atrocities and ethnic cleansing continue elsewhere in the country, outside the eye of U.N. observers and international media. 88

Joe Biden

Very Positive
In this context, lifting the arms embargo is the only feasible option that will permit the Bosnian Government the opportunity to defend itself against the Serb irregulars, who are well armed with the legacy of Tito's legions. 89

Joe Biden

Slightly Negative
I have been urging this course since the summer of 1992, and I have no illusions that it will be simple or without risk. 90

Joe Biden

Very Positive
In August of that year, the Senate approved a resolution that urged the use of all necessary means to ensure delivery of humanitarian relief in Bosnia. 91

Joe Biden

Positive
The following month, I added an amendment to the Foreign Operations Appropriations Act that urged the termination of the embargo as it applied to Bosnia, and authorized the transfer of $50 million in United States military equipment -- off the shelf -- to the Government of Bosnia. 92

Joe Biden

Leans Negative
Last spring, I traveled to the region and met with the leaders of Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia. Upon my return, I pressed for the so- called lift and strike option that was later embraced by the Clinton administration. 93

Joe Biden

Very Positive
Many of those who have opposed my position in the past are now supporting of the Dole resolution. I welcome their change of heart. 94

Joe Biden

Unknown
But let us all understand -- as I know the minority leader does -- that it will not be enough merely to lift the embargo. 95

Joe Biden

Positive
Lifting the embargo, whether unilaterally or in the United Nations, also requires the following steps: 96

Joe Biden

Neutral
The provision of air power to prevent the Serbs from overrunning Bosnian forces before military supplies can be provided. 97

Joe Biden

Slightly Negative
The provision of weaponry and ammunition, including the $50 million in supplies authorized in the Biden amendment. 98

Joe Biden

Somewhat Negative
It is also possible that UNPROFOR forces will have to be withdrawn, and in the short term, the humanitarian consequences will be grave. 99

Joe Biden

Unknown
We should also understand that any pretense of neutrality will be dissolved -- we will have taken sides with the Bosnian Government. 100

Joe Biden

Somewhat Negative
My only disagreement with the Republican leader today is about the means, not about the ends. 101

Joe Biden

Very Positive
Given the opposition of our European allies to ending the embargo, I admit that the concept of unilateral termination has great appeal. Moreover, I am persuaded that there are legitimate legal and moral reasons to unilaterally lift the embargo. 102

Joe Biden

Very Positive
Legally, the right of self-defense -- an inherent right codified in article 51 of the United Nations Charter -- may only be circumscribed if the U.N. Security Council has taken "measures necessary to maintain international peace and security." Who would dispute that the Security Council has not taken the measures necessary to maintain international peace and security in Bosnia? 103

Joe Biden

Leans Negative
Morally, it cannot be denied that the people of Bosnia have a right -- as stated so profoundly by Bosnian Prime Minister Haris Silajdzic -- to choose how they wish to die. 104

Joe Biden

Very Negative
If the people of Bosnia choose weapons over food, it would be the height of arrogance for the international community to second-guess them. 105

Joe Biden

Very Positive
My position is simple and straightforward: We should lift the arms embargo, but we should first make one more attempt, in good faith, to end it where it began -- in the U.N. Security Council. 106

Joe Biden

Slightly Negative
It is said that the allies will never agree to lifting the arms embargo because their forces constitute the bulk of UNPROFOR forces on the ground. Or that Russia will not agree. 107

Joe Biden

Unknown
But the proposition has never been fully tested. 108

Joe Biden

Very Positive
To be sure, the Secretary of State consulted with the allies during his ill-fated mission a year ago. They gave him the cold shoulder. But when in the history of the alliance have our European friends agreed to anything unless we showed them the way? 109

Joe Biden

Slightly Positive
Whether or not the allies agree with us, I believe that we should proceed to the Security Council, and table a resolution to lift the embargo. 110

Joe Biden

Unknown
On this occasion, we should bring the full weight of American diplomacy to bear. 111

Joe Biden

Very Positive
My agreement to go with this amendment and not to go with the minority leader's amendment today is conditioned upon the commitment of the administration to make a genuine effort at the United Nations to in fact lift the embargo, and to table, if this amendment passes, a resolution in the U.N. Security Council seeking the lifting of the embargo. 112

Joe Biden

Unknown
It is not enough to suggest in my view that if this Mitchell amendment becomes law that they just vote with such an effort to lift the embargo. 113

Joe Biden

Positive
Once the resolution is tabled, then let the member states stand up and be counted. At the end of the day, I do not believe that the permanent members will have the courage to veto such a resolution. But we will never know until we try. 114

Joe Biden

Negative
If the Council fails to pass a resolution, then, and only then, should we consider unilateral action. This is exactly the course set forth in the Mitchell amendment. 115

Joe Biden

Unknown
Under the Mitchell amendment, the President must take the following steps: 116

Joe Biden

Somewhat Positive
The President must consult with the allies about lifting the embargo; He must then promptly propose or support a resolution in the U.N. Security Council to terminate the arms embargo; if that fails, the President must promptly consult with Congress regarding unilateral termination of the embargo. 117

Joe Biden

Unknown
In my judgment, this is the only realistic course available to us. 118

Joe Biden

Very Positive
When the arms embargo was imposed by the Security Council in September 1991, it was passed with the full participation and support of the United States. 119

Joe Biden

Very Positive
The other members of the Council will surely question our commitment to future U.N. actions if we walk away from this resolution without attempting to do it by the rules first, going to the United Nations and seeking it being lifted. 120

Joe Biden

Leans Positive
If we are unsuccessful in the Council, it is my hope and expectation that the President will come to us with a strategy for unilaterally lifting the embargo. 121

Joe Biden

Slightly Positive
Madam President, we signed on to this embargo -- an ill-fated decision by President Bush. We did it under the rules. We should now go back under the rules. The President should commit to us, as he does in this amendment if it passes, that he will push for lifting that embargo, and table a resolution. 122

Joe Biden

Unknown
Therefore, I will vote for the Mitchell amendment and against the Dole amendment, notwithstanding the fact that I think I was the first one on this floor to call for the lifting of this embargo. 123

Joe Biden

Unknown
Mr. SMITH addressed the Chair. 124

George J. Mitchell

Unknown
Madam President, I understand that Senator Smith is about to take time from Senator Dole's time. 126

Bob Smith

Unknown
That is correct. 128

Bob Smith

Unknown
Madam President, I yield myself 3 minutes under the time controlled by the Republican leader, not under the leader's time, but under the time controlled by the leader. 129

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator is recognized for 3 minutes. 131

Bob Smith

Very Positive
Madam President, I rise today in strong support of the Dole-Lieberman legislation to lift the arms embargo against the Bosnian Moslems. 133

Bob Smith

Positive
I want to commend Senator Lieberman and Senator Dole for their leadership in this debate. 134

Bob Smith

Leans Positive
This is the kind of thing we are going to look back on several year from now, depending on how the outcome is, and either regret very much what we did or be very glad that we did what we did, depending on the outcome. 135

Bob Smith

Very Negative
I believe that the administration's foreign policy is in a shambles. And in Bosnia the President is now leading us across a Rubicon from which there is no return. We are on a course for catastrophe. We have no strategic interests at stake. We have no military objective. We have no established rules of engagement. We have no effective command structure, no definition of, or timetable, to achieve success, and no consensus for support among the American people. 136

Bob Smith

Very Positive
Under these circumstances, it is unconscionable to risk the lives of the American military men and women merely to advance the cause of multilateralism and some grand vision of the United Nations. It is unconscionable to do that. When are we going to learn? 137

Bob Smith

Very Positive
The only reasonable strategy is for America to terminate further escalation of military involvement and to immediately lift the arms embargo against the Bosnian Moslems, and, yes, unilaterally if the President does not exercise leadership to get the other members of the United Nations or NATO to join us. 138

Bob Smith

Very Negative
Let those who are being persecuted meet destiny on their own terms from behind their own weapons, not cowering in the ruins of some unsafe haven. We have neither the legal nor the moral authority to play policeman in this centuries-old civil war. Let us step back and allow the Bosnian Moslems the dignity and the capability to defend themselves. This is exactly what the Dole-Lieberman resolution does. It terminates the American arms embargo against the Government of Bosnia and allows them to exercise their right of self-defense under article 51 of the U.N. Charter. 139

Bob Smith

Very Positive
Madam President, the only route to legitimate, lasting peace in the former Yugoslavia is through meaningful negotiation and compromise. The inhabitants of the former Yugoslavia alone hold the key to their future. The United States and the international community at large can and should encourage and support the peace process. But reconciliation cannot be imposed. It must be negotiated and accepted. This is something that the citizens of the former Yugoslavia and they alone must determine. At present, the military equation in Bosnia is completely one-sided. The Dole amendment will enable the Moslem forces to better defend themselves and level the playing field until a mutually acceptable peace settlement can be reached. 140

Bob Smith

Positive
I support this amendment and urge its adoption. 141

Bob Smith

Unknown
I yield the floor. 142

Bob Smith

Unknown
Mr. FEINGOLD addressed the Chair. 143

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Wisconsin. 145

Bob Smith

Leans Negative
If no one wishes to speak on the other side, Madam President, I yield 3 minutes to the Senator from Wisconsin from the time controlled by Senator Dole. 147

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator is recognized for three minutes. 149

Russ Feingold

Very Negative
Madam President, I once again rise in support of the bill to lift the U.N. arms embargo that continues to tie the hands of the sovereign Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. As my colleagues know, I have been steadfast in my call for this critical action since I came to this body 18 months ago. In March 1993, I introduced Senate Resolution 79 and joined a few other colleagues in warning that this arms embargo, imposed in 1991 upon a now defunct Yugoslavia, would legitimize a disparity in the military balance among the warring factions. Moreover, it would deny the most fundamental assistance to the Bosnian people who were, then as now, under a brutal siege by those calling for "ethnic cleansing" in the name of a Greater Serbia. 151

Russ Feingold

Very Positive
I urged then that the embargo be lifted in collaboration with our allies, but I have found the arguments to lift the embargo unilaterally are growing more and more compelling. I also believe that now that Bosnia and Croatia have agreed to join in a confederation that we should be debating lifting the embargo against the Republic of Croatia as well. 152

Russ Feingold

Slightly Negative
Opponents of this bill say this is not the time to act unilaterally and risk the loss of allied support in future multilateral actions of interest to the United States. Well, I say this is the time to stop squandering our energies on the vagaries of hypothetical future actions. The issue before us today is a concrete reality, the reality of an obsolete measure of questionable contemporary legality that is doing unquestionable harm to those whom we claim are already victims. Of course, we must consider the collateral consequences of our decisions, but let's put it in perspective. 153

Russ Feingold

Very Positive
Do we really think that a unilateral United States action to lift this arms embargo will determine the positions of Security Council members such as China or Russia on future questions like North Korea or even Libya? Conversely, do we really think that if we vote down this measure that Ambassador Albright will somehow be better able to carry some future U.N. debate by reminding the Security Council members how we toed their line on this perverse embargo? 154

Russ Feingold

Very Positive
Let us not flatter ourselves by thinking that our actions will so easily eclipse the self-interests of other nations; let us also not insult the intelligence of our allies by suggesting that all embargoes are equivalent and that their votes are somehow fungible commodities to be traded at the U.N. marketplace. U.N. members vote and act according to their national values and self-interests; we must do the same and this arms embargo is neither consistent with our values nor in our self-interest. 155

Russ Feingold

Very Positive
While the situation in Bosnia has changed considerably, the essential rationale for lifting the embargo has remained unchanged since early 1992. When the United Nations admitted Bosnia as a member state, it afforded it all of the rights of membership, including the right to self-defense, recognized around the world and -- yes -- codified in article 51 of the U.N. Charter. That article clearly states that nothing in the Charter shall impair the inherent right of self-defense in the face of an armed attack until the Security Council has restored peace and security. Last month it was suggested that the second part of article 51 limits our ability to lift the embargo unilaterally. I respectfully disagree. The rest of article 51 simply stipulates that self-defense measures taken by member-states shall not affect the authority and the responsibility of the Security Council to take other actions to restore peace and security. This stipulation pertains to the member nation who is defending itself, in this case Bosnia, not to other members who persist in their embargo of Bosnia. 156

Russ Feingold

Negative
Madam President, some very distinguished Senators have suggested that our unilateral action will risk putting a "Made in the U.S.A." stamp on solutions to the Bosnia problem. Last month we pondered the possibility that, to quote the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Warner]: 157

Russ Feingold

Positive
The question for us and for everyone in the world community is how to respond within that reality. Mr. President, as to the notion that our actions will be seen as taking sides, I do not advocate taking sides in this conflict. I do not believe this bill is about the United States siding with the Bosnian Moslems. 159

Russ Feingold

Leans Positive
On the contrary, I also believe that we should lift the same embargo in place on the Republic of Croatia as well. To Serbia I would say that the evidence is overwhelming that you have engaged in cross-border aggression and atrocities in Bosnia; until you stop, we should use every possible measure to tighten the arms embargo on your republic. If that is taken sides, it is on the side of humanity and the rule of law. 160

Russ Feingold

Very Positive
Madam President, we have all watched the diplomatic events of recent weeks with continued hope that the world community will finally respond in a coherent manner. I am convinced that our leadership in lifting the embargo can provide a solid foundation for future diplomatic progress, for no diplomatic solution built upon this flawed arms embargo can withstand the test of time. Suppose, for instance, that a fragile peace emerges in Bosnia. Will that be the time to lift the arms embargo on Bosnia and Croatia? Would that not disrupt the balance? And if it is not lifted, are these nations supposed to be unarmed, without a military? If so, then do they become wards of the U.N. Security Council, a U.N. protectorate or trusteeship? What does that imply for future levels of U.N. operations and U.S. support in the Balkans and elsewhere? 161

Russ Feingold

Slightly Positive
My colleague from Virginia again has spoken eloquently on this matter with the command of the details for which he has become known in such debates. He pondered a wide range of very serious technical considerations which need to be addressed before the United States actually provides arms to Bosnia. I share his concerns but I do not believe that they are the proper domain for Senate debate here today. 162

Russ Feingold

Very Positive
Let us permit the President to be President and leave to his administration those details which could be best described as the execution of policy. All our vote today will do is give the President the unfettered authority to provide arms support to Bosnia and strengthen his hand to do what he wants to do: lift the embargo. As in the case of most other authorizations, the President has considerable latitude to determine exactly how when to act. 163

Russ Feingold

Very Positive
In any case, it seems to me that this authorization places the administration in a stronger position to bring positive and fresh leadership to the diplomatic table in the weeks ahead. 164

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The time of the Senator has expired. 166

Unknown
Who yields time? 167

Joseph I. Lieberman

Unknown
I yield 2 minutes from the time controlled by Senator Dole to the Senator from Texas [Mrs. Hutchison]. 169

Kay Bailey Hutchison

Positive
Madam President, I rise to speak in favor of the Dole-McCain bill. 171

Kay Bailey Hutchison

Very Positive
Like Somalia before it, United States policy with respect to Bosnia is "a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma." When Winston Churchill used that phrase, he was referring to Russia, and he went on to say that the key to the riddle was Russian national interest. We must find the key to our predicament with regard to the administration's foreign policy. The question that we must answer for ourselves is, "What U.S. national security interests are at stake in Bosnia, and if no vital national security interests are at stake, do we then have a moral obligation to support the Bosnians?" It is clear that the United States has no strategic interests in Bosnia. Therefore, I feel it is not in our interest to place U.S. ground troops in harms way. 172

Kay Bailey Hutchison

Slightly Positive
We do, however, have a moral obligation to follow declared U.S. doctrine, as enunciated by U.S. Presidents from John F. Kennedy to George Bush in that we will lend our support to oppressed people who are willing to fight for the freedom. 173

Kay Bailey Hutchison

Very Positive
It is not always our responsibility to fight for them, but we must be willing to support them. The issue is American leadership and resolve. There are despots in the world who may mistakenly be tempted into challenging our vital interests if we are perceived as weak. 174

Kay Bailey Hutchison

Very Positive
Three years ago, the United States formed and led a coalition of diverse nations to a stunning victory in operation Desert Storm. At that time, the United States was the unquestioned leader of the world. Are we now perceived as simply a member of the community of nations rather than its leader? The danger lies in the false sense of security that leadership in some way will evolve from consensus. 175

Kay Bailey Hutchison

Somewhat Positive
Nothing could be further from the truth. Consensus follows leadership -- leadership does not, not will it ever, evolve from consensus. It is up to us to provide that leadership. 176

Kay Bailey Hutchison

Very Negative
There is an old adage that it is preferable to die fighting on your feet than to live begging on your knees. It is clear that the Bosnians have made their choice, and it is to fight on their feet. 177

Kay Bailey Hutchison

Very Positive
We must allow them to do that. I urge support of the Dole-McCain amendment. 178

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time? 180

George J. Mitchell

Unknown
Madam President, I yield 2 minutes to the Senator from Illinois. 182

Paul Simon

Slightly Positive
Madam President, I just heard our colleague from Texas say -- and I have heard it two or three times today -- that we have no strategic interest. 184

Paul Simon

Positive
We do have strategic interests. The interest is in maintaining stability. Frankly, our policy has been anemic in Bosnia. On the 700th day of the artillery shelling of Sarajevo, we said, "If you do not stop it, we are going to have airstrikes," and then the airstrikes stop. It should not have been the 700th day; it should have been the 2d or 7th day. 185

Paul Simon

Positive
Right now, we face a choice of the Mitchell amendment or the Dole amendment. I am going to vote for the Mitchell amendment and against the Dole amendment today. But I have to say time is running out. If we do not get action in 15 or 20 days -- and I do not want to set an absolute deadline, but very, very shortly -- I am going to be voting for a Dole-type of amendment. I do not like to see us do that unilaterally. We should not be a "Lone Ranger" in the world. You have to work with the community of nations. But the administration has to understand that we feel their policy has been anemic; it has not been strong, and we have to do better. If we adopt the Mitchell amendment and should defeat the Dole amendment, that does not mean that this issue is settled. The administration has to lead, or I am ready to vote for a Dole-type of amendment. 186

George J. Mitchell

Slightly Positive
Madam President, the distinguished chairman of the Appropriations Committee has a question, and I am prepared to yield him time for his question and for my response. 188

Robert Byrd

Somewhat Positive
I thank the distinguished majority leader. 190

Robert Byrd

Positive
Madam President, may I say to my leader that it is not my intention to vote for the amendment by Mr. Dole. I hope that I can vote for the amendment by the majority leader. I have a question regarding the language, however, that is in paragraph 2. This is the language: 191

Robert Byrd

Leans Positive
My question goes to the definition of the words "appropriate military assistance." Are these words to be interpreted to mean manpower, training capability, or to weaponry only? If so, if it only applies to weapons, what is there to ensure that this will not be seen as an open-ended authorization, which the President can interpret to mean that, regardless of the appropriations and costs, or whatever, he is being authorized by the Congress to proceed in such a manner as he deems fit -- in other words, in an open ended way? 193

George J. Mitchell

Unknown
Madam President, it does not include anything other than equipment. Stated another way, it is not intended to cover personnel in any form. 195

George J. Mitchell

Unknown
Second, to respond to the second part of the chairman's question, it is my intention to seek to add to the language the words "subject to the regular notification procedures," which would directly involve the Congress in those decisions. 196

Robert Byrd

Unknown
Does the majority leader intend to refer to the appropriate congressional committees in that language? 198

George J. Mitchell

Unknown
That is correct. 200

Robert Byrd

Negative
The courts are increasingly looking to the four corners of the law, rather than to legislative history as expressed on the Senate floor. I know the majority leader's intentions are what he said they were, namely, that this term "appropriate military assistance" would mean only equipment, weapons, supplies as I understood him. 202

George J. Mitchell

Very Positive
That is correct. I will seek to gain consent to modify it as I have stated. And if it is not approved by the Senate, I will offer an amendment at a later time in the deliberations of another measure. 204

Robert Byrd

Leans Positive
I thank the distinguished majority leader for his consideration. I hope that in conference every effort will be made to tie this language down to mean weapons or equipment only, and to exclude manpower in any way. 206

George J. Mitchell

Very Positive
I am prepared to give the Senator my full assurance in that regard. 208

Robert Byrd

Somewhat Positive
I thank the distinguished majority leader. 210

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Connecticut. 212

Joseph I. Lieberman

Unknown
Madam President, from the time allocated to Senator Dole, I yield 2 minutes to the Senator from Utah [Mr. Hatch]. 214

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Utah is recognized for 2 minutes. 216

Orrin G. Hatch

Somewhat Positive
I thank the colleague from Connecticut. 218

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
Madam President, I rise as a cosponsor of S. 2042. More than 2 years ago, I called for the lifting of the arms embargo for the victims of Serbian aggression. The need for this action was clear then, and it is even more clear now: Only by creating a balance of power on the ground will Serbia accept a just, negotiated settlement. 219

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Negative
American policy in the former Yugoslavia has been morally and politically bankrupt. We have been an active partner in a policy of deference to the aggressor and indifference to the victims of aggression. 220

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Negative
The decision to impose an arms embargo was motivated by the understandable intent to try to restrain the conflict by cutting off the supply of weapons to the combatants. However, that concept was tragically flawed. Serbia and its allies in Croatia and Bosnia controlled the vast majority of the weapons from the arsenals of the former Yugolsavia and the bulk of the former Yugoslavia's arms and munitions factories. 221

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Negative
In theory, the arms embargo appeared even-handed. In reality, it fundamentally favored Serbia and enabled Serbia to launch its war of aggression at minimal cost and risk. 222

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Negative
Madam President, the Croatian and Bosnian people do not need our pity, they need our weapons. The world disarmed these peoples. The world told these peoples to put their faith in the international community. The result has been ethnic cleansing and unspeakable violence and atrocities. 223

Orrin G. Hatch

Neutral
This bizzare policy has been supported by the United States. In consonance with our European allies and Russia, we have kept the victims of Serbian aggression grossly handicapped in defending themselves. 224

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Negative
Those who claim that lifting the embargo means the United States will take sides in the conflict are misguided. We have already been intervening in the conflict through the arms embargo, but we have been intervening on the wrong side. This policy has aided and abetted Serbian aggression. It is time to end it. 225

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
If the Security Council will not repeal the embargo, the United States should do so unilaterally. If the other members of the Security Council are willing to stand by while genocide takes place, the United States should not join them. 226

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
Article 51 of the United Nations Charter states that nothing in the charter overrules the inherent right of a state for individual and collective self-defense. No Security Council resolution -- including the one establishing this arms embargo -- can negate the right of self- defense. 227

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
The opponents of this bill will argue that article 51 only operates until the United Nations has acted to establish peace and stability. But the fact is that the United Nations has yet to do anything to establish peace and stability. 228

Orrin G. Hatch

Somewhat Negative
It has imposed the arms embargo, but that has only assisted the aggressors. 229

Orrin G. Hatch

Negative
It has sent so-called peacekeepers. But they have not kept the peace and have hardly been able to defend themselves. They have watched the Serbs perpetrate war crimes -- the same crimes we have watched on television night after night. 230

Orrin G. Hatch

Neutral
The United Nations has sent negotiators. But they have failed time after time. The Serbs are no closer to accepting a just settlement than they were 2 years ago. 231

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
Let us face facts. The United Nations has no intention of taking strong military action to restore peace and stability. Consequently, there are no grounds to restrict Bosnia's article 51 right of individual and collective self-defense. 232

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
Given the present balance of power, the Serbs will only accept an agreement that ratifies the gains of their aggression. Only if we change the balance of power will the Serbs accept a just peace that involves the return of territories seized by force and ethnically cleansed. We will only end the war if the Serbs understand that further aggression will be too costly. 233

Orrin G. Hatch

Neutral
What needs to be done is simple: Remove U.N. peacekeepers from the region, lift the arms embargo, and use NATO to conduct selected air strikes against strategic Serbian targets, such as supply lines, depots, and command and control centers. 234

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Negative
Current administrations policy depends totally on the use of air strikes. But air strikes alone will not work. Even President Clinton admitted on April 20 that "NATO's air power alone cannot prevent further Serb aggressions or advances or silence every gun." It makes no sense to adopt a policy that you know in advance will not work. 235

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
We are committed to defending the safe haven around six Bosnian towns. In this respect, I want to pose several questions for the supporters of the administration's policy: 236

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Negative
Will NATO air forces respond to all future Serbian attacks on these six cities, including low-level infantry and mortar attacks? If not, we have no policy to deal with those kind of attacks, which have been continuing around Gorazde and other cities. 237

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Negative
Will NATO air forces respond to Serbian attacks along fronts other than the six cities? If not, we have no policy to stop Serbian aggression in general. 238

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
Will NATO air forces be used to give Serbia a real incentive to pull out of territory already acquired by force? If not, we have no policy to compel Serbia to accept and to implement a just settlement. 239

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Negative
The fact is that we have no policy on any of these points. Token gestures and occasional threats of air strikes will not solve the problem. 240

Orrin G. Hatch

Somewhat Positive
Madam President, the Senate has an opportunity to begin to rectify the failure of United States policy in the former Yugoslavia. We have a moral responsibility to do so. 241

Orrin G. Hatch

Somewhat Positive
There is a wider moral issue at stake in this vote. The arms embargo deprives Bosnia of the ability to defend itself. If the United States continues to uphold the embargo -- if the Senate fails to vote to repeal the embargo -- than the United States takes upon itself the moral responsibility for what happens to Bosnia. 242

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
Let me restate that point. If we allow Bosnia to defend itself by repealing the embargo, the Bosnian Government is morally responsible for its survival and future. If we deprive Bosnia of its right of self- defense, the United States becomes morally responsible for Bosnia's survival. 243

Orrin G. Hatch

Positive
The United States has been in a similar position before. It was in 1963 in a place called South Vietnam. When the Kennedy administration backed the coup against President Diem, it destabilized the country and triggered a chain reaction of events that led to the deployment of 500,000 U.S. troops. 244

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
By arrogating to itself the right to determine who ruled in Saigon, the Kennedy administration made the United States morally responsible for South Vietnam's fate. 245

Orrin G. Hatch

Leans Positive
We must not make a similar mistake in Bosnia. We must let the Bosnian people carry the responsibility for their own future. We should not arrogate to ourselves the right to determine whether or not they will survive. 246

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Negative
If we keep the embargo in place, make no mistake about it: We are also accepting the moral burden for what happens in Bosnia. And, if we do so, we could well be forced to carry out our moral responsibility at the price of American blood. 247

Orrin G. Hatch

Leans Positive
Supporters of the administration policy argue that negotiations can still work. I ask them to look down the road on which they urge us to travel. 248

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
That road will lead to the deployment of tens of thousands of U.S. troops as peacekeepers to enforce whatever settlement is reached. The Clinton administration makes no bones about the fact that if a settlement is negotiated, the United States will deploy 20,000 or more troops to Bosnia. 249

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
I do not want to see American ground troops sent to enforce a settlement in Bosnia. I want the Bosnians to be strong enough to enforce their side of the settlement on their own. That can only happen if we lift the embargo. 250

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
I will predict today that if we send peacekeepers to enforce a settlement in Bosnia, there will be significant casualties. It will lead to another Somalia or another Lebanon as surely as night follows day. We need not take that road if we create a military offset against the Serbs by arming the Croatians and the Bosnians. 251

Orrin G. Hatch

Leans Positive
Madam President, our focus must, above all, be the interests of the United States. That is our first responsibility. It is not in our interest to play eternal referee in the conflicts within the former Yugoslavia. We should not expend the lives of our sons and daughters by putting them in the line of fire of Serbian forces who have studied the lessons of our experience in Somalia and Lebanon. 252

Orrin G. Hatch

Negative
History shows that until a balance of power exists among belligerents, conflict will continue. There is no such balance of power in the former Yugoslavia. The Serbs have the big stick. They have overwhelming superiority in arms and materiel. Until equilibrium in armaments is attained between the Croats and Bosnians on the one hand and the Serbs on the other, the war will continue. 253

Orrin G. Hatch

Slightly Positive
I hope all Members will reflect on the course this administration is taking. No settlement can endure without military equilibrium. Any settlement we broker that requires the Serbs to give up land will cause the Serbs to view us as an adversary or enemy. In that context, the United States must not make the mistake of embroiling its ground forces in the role of referee in terrain favoring guerrilla warfare and against Serbian forces who have no intention of forgiving or forgetting. 254

Orrin G. Hatch

Very Positive
Madam President, the sine qua non of successful resolution of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia is the repeal of the arms embargo. I urge support for S. 2042. 255

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time? 257

Joseph I. Lieberman

Unknown
Madam President, I yield 3 minutes to the Senator from Michigan [Mr. Levin]. 259

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Michigan is recognized for 3 minutes. 261

Carl Levin

Positive
Madam President, I support the resolution of Senators Dole, Lieberman, and others. 263

Carl Levin

Positive
To those who say it makes no sense to allow Bosnians to defend themselves because that will result in more arms flowing into the region, I agree that is not the world's first choice. We and the nations of the world, acting through the United Nations, are unwilling to take actions necessary to protect the civilians in Bosnia against ethnic cleansing and aggression. So the fire continues to burn, primarily in one direction, against the Bosnian Government. 264

Carl Levin

Somewhat Positive
If we are not willing to defend them, we must surely allow the primary victims of aggression to defend themselves, a guarantee that is in the U.N. Charter. 265

Carl Levin

Somewhat Positive
Some have argued that our allies and other nations have personnel on the ground in Bosnia assisting in humanitarian relief efforts, and these forces would be endangered if more arms flowed into the region. They might then decide to withdraw forces and humanitarian relief might be interrupted. 266

Carl Levin

Very Positive
But the Bosnian Government has consistently appealed for the end of the embargo and said many times that if it is a choice between being allowed to defend themselves without one of their hands tied behind their back, or receiving humanitarian relief from UNPROFOR on the ground, they would prefer to defend themselves and not become casualties and victims for humanitarian relief workers to care for. 267

Carl Levin

Somewhat Positive
The arms embargo is preserving a disparity that allows the Bosnian Serbs a continuing advantage in weaponry and has proven to be a counter-incentive toward a fair settlement. 268

Carl Levin

Leans Positive
Of course, we should seek allied support for exempting Bosnia from the arms embargo. Of course, we should seek Security Council agreement on lifting that embargo. But those efforts have failed. We know they are going to fail again. 269

Carl Levin

Slightly Negative
There is not a shred of evidence that an effort at the U.N. Security Council to lift the arms embargo multilaterally is going to succeed. It is immoral for the world -- particularly for Europe, but the world as a whole -- to not have taken the risk sooner to defend Bosnia against ethnic cleansing. It is incredible not to let the Bosnians defend themselves. It is unconscionable to keep the embargo on arms going to Bosnia when the other side has them in quantity. 270

Carl Levin

Leans Negative
Even though the allies are not persuaded, and will not be persuaded, to lift the embargo, we should act. The alternative is either no settlement, or a settlement so one sided in its imposed terms, that it will spawn continuous war in retribution. A settlement will come only after the parties want it, and that will happen only if the parties have some parity in the military equation. 271

Carl Levin

Very Positive
I thank my friend from Connecticut, and I yield the floor. 272

Joseph I. Lieberman

Unknown
Madam President, I yield 5 minutes to the Senator from Arizona [Mr. McCain]. 274

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Arizona is recognized for 5 minutes. 276

John McCain

Very Positive
Madam President, in a little while the Senate will make a very important determination: whether we should defend the sovereignty of a nation where our vital national interests are not at stake or whether we should allow that nation the opportunity to provide for its own defense. That is, in essence, what this choice between the legislation offered by Senators Dole and Lieberman and the amendment offered by Senator Mitchell will resolve. 278

John McCain

Very Positive
I believe Senators Dole and Lieberman and all those Senators supporting this bill have adequately refuted the many arguments posed against it. The unlawfulness of the embargo has been well established. Those who fear that other embargoes will be undermined should we act unilaterally should remember that as the sole superpower left in the world, as the leading nation in NATO, and as the greatest force for good on earth, the United States should have sufficient influence left to discourage our closest allies from breaking international law and acting against our and their best interests. All the logistic questions raised against lifting the embargo were raised against our support for the Afghan resistance. Those problems were overcome then, and they can be overcome in this situation. 279

John McCain

Very Positive
In the end, the Dole-Lieberman legislation is a matter of simple justice. I do not know if it will shorten or lengthen the war. I do not know if the Bosnian Government can prevail in this conflict. I do not know if they can win back sufficient territory to make a settlement more equitable. But they have the inalienable right to defend themselves, and no nation, certainly not the leader of the free world, should deny them that right unless we are prepared to defend Bosnia ourselves. 280

John McCain

Neutral
The distinguished majority leader's amendment, in effect, asks us to authorize the U.S. assumption of the responsibility to defend Bosnia. As I made clear in my statement the other day, I believe that is a profound mistake. 281

John McCain

Very Positive
Further, Senator Mitchell's amendment does not require the President to lift the embargo -- multilaterally if possible, unilaterally, if necessary. It does instruct the President to immediately seek NATO agreement to end the embargo, and upon such agreement to propose that the Security Council terminate this unjust interference with Bosnia's inherent right to self defense. 282

John McCain

Neutral
That would be an improvement over current circumstances, Mr. President. That the President needs to be instructed to take such action is a rather sad commentary on the administration. For as often as the President has declared his support for ending the embargo, we have no evidence that his administration has taken the first step in the United Nations or in NATO to achieve that laudable goal. It is the administration's failure to act that made it necessary for the distinguished minority leader and Senator Lieberman to offer their legislation. 283

John McCain

Leans Positive
Unfortunately, given the intensity of the administration's opposition to the Dole-Lieberman legislation, and their record of nonsupport in the past, I have no confidence that if the administration encounters the least opposition from NATO or the Security Council that it will seriously try to overcome that opposition or to act unilaterally if necessary. 284

John McCain

Slightly Positive
By actively opposing this legislation to lift the unlawful arms embargo against Bosnia, the administration has revealed once again the abject poverty of its foreign policy commitments. With their typical resort to obfuscation, the administration has yet again sought to climb down from another frequently expressed promise to act. 285

John McCain

Very Positive
Time and again, the President has voiced his support for lifting the embargo. What has the administration done to give force to his support? Absolutely nothing. And it will do nothing tomorrow or the next day or the day after that. Instead, the administration will once again attempt to fill the great yawning abyss between its rhetoric and its action with cynical and specious arguments that are intended, as is so much of their diplomacy, to transfer the responsibilities and the authority of the world's only superpower to any other nation or nations willing to relieve them of the burden. 286

John McCain

Very Positive
We are rapidly approaching the point, Madam President, when the word of the United States, purchased over the years with so much blood and treasure, is no longer worth the television time the administration uses to make their faithless promises. It is time, Madam President, for the Congress to step in and restore some credibility to American foreign policy. It is time for Congress to assume the responsibilities which the administration has abrogated, and make the word of the United States stand for something greater than the clatter of broken promises. 287

John McCain

Very Positive
I urge all of my colleagues to vote against delaying simple justice for Bosnians any longer, to vote against authorizing the use of American force in a conflict which we are not prepared to win, and where our own vital national interests are not threatened. I urge all of my colleagues to support the just and necessary legislation offered by Senator Dole and Senator Lieberman, and lift the arms embargo against Bosnia now. 288

Joseph I. Lieberman

Unknown
Madam President, I yield 3 minutes to the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Warner]. 290

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Virginia is recognized for 3 minutes. 292

John Warner

Somewhat Negative
Madam President, at this very moment, the Senate Armed Services Committee is conducting a hearing on Somalia. One of the witnesses is a father who lost a son. 294

John Warner

Unknown
I read from that father's testimony: 295

John Warner

Very Positive
Madam President, I most respectfully say to both of my leaders, I do not think we have conducted this debate in a manner that is adequate to the gravity of the decision about to be made. 297

John Warner

Very Negative
I spoke on Monday and laid out a series of questions in opposition to both Leader Dole's amendment and Leader Mitchell's amendment. I stand today in opposition to both, and I offer these questions: Has the Senate considered this resolution in committee? No; neither one. Has it conducted briefings directed specifically at the issues in the resolution? No. Yet, we are about to make a decision which could result in a subsequent hearing of the Armed Services Committee or other committees which would require that we look squarely into the eyes of parents and families who have lost sons and daughters in this region of the world. 298

John Warner

Very Positive
I say to the Mitchell resolution -- and forgive me for rushing, because I have but a minute left -- technically, I would say this resolution can be interpreted as much like the Dole resolution. It is a unilateral lifting. 299

John Warner

Very Positive
Yes, we go to the United Nations, but it does not speak to whether the United Nations supports or rejects. It implies that once that action is taken, then we begin, as the distinguished Senator from West Virginia put it, to send in supplies. Are we sending in supplies without personnel to explain or train how to use them, to maintain them? I say that much is left to be answered. 300

John Warner

Somewhat Positive
Second, the Mitchell resolution says "to protect the UNPROFOR." UNPROFOR would have to pull out, in my judgment, and the judgment of many in the administration, if the embargo is lifted. 301

John Warner

Very Negative
The resolution does not speak to what use of air power is then made if UNPROFOR is pulled out, and the Bosnian Government is rearmed. It speaks to only isolated areas in that region of tragic conflict as to what air power can do. 302

John Warner

Very Negative
Is there any limitation on the Bosnian Government to utilize this new military equipment to regain what they have lost? It is silent as to that. 303

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator's time has expired. 305

John Warner

Unknown
Madam President, the Mitchell resolution speaks to the fact that we should come back if there is a further question of ground troops. 307

John Warner

Somewhat Positive
Why is there silence to other Americans who are flying, who are at sea? Are they entitled to less protection than those that may be involved on ground? 308

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator's time has expired. 310

John Warner

Slightly Positive
Yes, regrettably the time of 3 minutes on this tragic thing has expired. I regret that. The opposition has not been given, in my judgment, a fair opportunity to reply. 312

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time? 314

George J. Mitchell

Positive
Madam President, I just wanted to say that this matter was before the Senate 2 days ago. Any Senator who wanted to speak had the opportunity to speak for as long as he or she wanted to. We stayed in session for as long as any Senator wanted to speak. 316

George J. Mitchell

Slightly Positive
The Senator from Virginia availed himself of that opportunity. He spoke at length. Others chose not to do so. I can make it possible for any Senator who wants to speak to do so, but I cannot force a Senator to speak on the subject if he or she chooses not to do so. 317

John Warner

Very Positive
I thank the distinguished leader. I did speak for the better part of an hour on Monday, and indicated my desire to speak for 10 minutes as part of any time agreement in opposition to both resolutions. I have to accept the responsibility that that request went astray. 319

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Who yields time? 321

George J. Mitchell

Unknown
Madam President, I yield 7 minutes to the distinguished Senator from Georgia. 323

Unknown
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Georgia is recognized for 7 minutes. 325

Sam Nunn

Positive
Madam President, my bottom line is, I support the Mitchell resolution and oppose the Dole resolution. But I do have a lot of caveats about it. The largest caveat about the whole debate is that we are in real danger in this country, not simply in the Senate. We are in real danger of concentrating so much on interests that are humanitarian and important that we do not focus on what is truly vital. 327

Sam Nunn

Very Positive
What we do here today may very well have a bearing on one of our vital interests where tens of thousands of Americans are at risk, and that is Korea. I think everyone ought to keep that in mind. 328

Sam Nunn

Very Positive
It is hard for me to conceive of a unilateral lifting of an embargo that has gone through the Security Council at the same time we are on the verge of having to request that same Security Council to put an embargo on Korea. 329

Sam Nunn

Leans Positive
We move against one that we voted for and say we are going to take this action unilaterally and, at the same time, we go to China and Russia and others on the Security Council and say, "Now, go along with us on Korea, because we believe that is vital." We are in real danger of losing sight of the difference between important and humanitarian, and vital. 330

Sam Nunn

Very Negative
America has a tremendous stake in Korea. If that one goes wrong, we will lose an awful lot of people. And I do agree with that part of what Senator Warner said a few minutes ago. 331

Sam Nunn

Leans Negative
The second thing that I think is important to keep in perspective is whether we go into a lifting of the embargo or whether we go into a massive bombing campaign, which we have already threatened at some point we may have to carry out. And, in my view, there should be sanctuaries if we begin that process. Either of those steps is incompatible, with tens of thousands of U.N. relief workers and humanitarian workers and military forces who are lightly armed still being under the gun of the Bosnian Serbs. 332

Sam Nunn

Very Negative
Whatever we do here has to be done in concert with our allies, because they have people on the ground. In spite of our disagreements -- and I have profound disagreements with our allies on this one -- I believe the embargo should have been lifted a long time ago. I still believe it ought to be lifted. 333

Sam Nunn

Very Negative
But, in spite of that, to do it unilaterally when they have the forces at risk is to ask for the beginning of, I think, a disintegration of the alliance itself, and I mean by that the NATO alliance. 334

Sam Nunn

Very Negative