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Mamdani, Schumer, Jeffries: Who’s in charge?

Victory of Zohran Mamdani's allies may mean more work for Hakeem Jeffries

Candidates Claire Valdez and Brad Lander, New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, and candidate Darializa Avila Chevalier raise their hands during a Get Out the Vote rally at King's Theater on June 18 in New York City.
Candidates Claire Valdez and Brad Lander, New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani, and candidate Darializa Avila Chevalier raise their hands during a Get Out the Vote rally at King's Theater on June 18 in New York City. (Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)

Last week, New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani rocked a crowd celebrating the victory of democratic socialist candidates over establishment — if liberal — Democratic Party candidates.  

He declared that “We are showing that last June, a year ago tomorrow [his primary win], was not an anomaly. It was not the end. It was the beginning.”  

But the beginning of what? A political party, still reeling from its 2024 losses, embracing radical extremism to expand its ranks? Or a bitterly divided Democratic Party, finding itself on the precipice of ideological, cultural and economic schism? 

Not everyone is celebrating the primary wins of three extremist House congressional candidates bent on getting rid of Immigration and Customs Enforcement if not all police and prisons, destroying the U.S.- Israel relationship and doing away with capitalism in America. This is the kind of ideology we expect from the political fringe. 

Not even liberal New York City has gone this far … until now.  

While New York Democratic leaders Senate Minority Leader Charles E. Schumer, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, New York Gov. Kathy Hochul and other Democrats tried to put a brave face on what was a devastating rejection of their leadership as well as many of their party’s traditional policies and values, it was clear not everyone was happy.  

Democratic strategist James Carville cut to the chase talking about democratic socialist candidate, Darializa Avila Chevalier, who defeated incumbent Adriano Espaillat, “… this is a bridge too far….I think a lot of Democrats feel the same way that I do.”  

Rep. Josh Gottheimer, D-N.J., took a similar strong stance on growing socialism in the Democratic Party when he told Jewish Insider, “It’s a growing cancer, and we can’t let it spread, and we cannot ignore it.”

Later in the week, 10 centrist House Democrats and five candidates signed on to an alternative direction, called the “Promise to America.” It states, “We are capitalist, not socialist” and pledges support for secure borders, responsible federal spending and pride in America.  

The Democratic Socialists of America was too much even for New York Attorney General Letitia James. “Abolishing the police and releasing every prisoner, even rapists and murderers, isn’t progressive,” she said. “It’s nuts.”

Apparently, not everybody got the “big tent” memo.

Last week’s New York City primaries represent, at least in the short term, a crushing defeat for Democratic “normies” and a huge win for the insurgents/progressives over the Democratic establishment.  

Clearly, the Democratic Socialists of America’s apparent strategy to take over the Democratic Party presents a number of serious implications for national party leaders.

First, what does this mean in terms of policies? Democrats are trying to build party unity based on their opposition to President Donald Trump, but underneath that is the fight over just how much socialism the party is willing to accept for that unity.

Democrat socialist/progressive policies are far more radical than many Democrats can stomach. Socialist progressives want to defund the police, health care for all, reduce criminal incarceration, end fossil fuel production, eliminate student debt and offer free college tuition.  

They also want open borders, the end of ICE, the codification of transgender sports and support all things anti-Israel, anti-private sector, and anti-defense.

To pay for these policies, they propose higher taxes penalizing wealth, business and property and more regulation.  

The differences between congressional Democrats and democratic socialists/progressive Democrats are not small, especially with what amounts to a dangerous strain of antisemitism infecting the democratic socialists and progressives. With the midterms only months away, a bitter intraparty competition of ideas could drown out the anti-Trump messaging as each side tries to assert their dominance in leading the party. 

Many of the issues the progressives are focusing on have nothing to do with the economy.  What voters will hear is “we need to expand government” rather than dealing with inflation. 

Attacking Israel, Trump or Republicans doesn’t bring down the price of a hamburger.  If Democrats fail to offer solutions for inflation, they give Republicans a strategic advantage.

So, the challenge facing Democrats is whether they can build a national majority coalition with the Democratic Socialists of America becoming a growing force in the party.   

Democratic socialists/progressive successes in Seattle; Chicago; Washington, D.C.; Los Angeles; and New York show they can win primaries in very blue areas; but it is unclear whether the they can sell socialism in competitive general election races.

For all the political shock of last week’s New York City primaries, there was no overwhelming mandate for socialism or anything else for that matter. The turnout was abysmally low, which often delivers wins for extremists and their true-believer supporters.

This rejection of Democratic congressional traditionalists began with Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s shock defeat of Joe Crowley. It took only 16,898 votes in a 2018 primary to oust a powerful Democratic incumbent. The turnout percentage in that race was 12.6 percent.

The three democratic socialist/progressive wins was Ocasio-Cortez all over again.  

In the 7th District, the turnout was 19.5 percent; in the 10th, it was 24.0 percent; and in the 13th District, it was 18.1 percent. The winners ranged from getting 32,790 votes to 55,060 votes, a sad commentary on the state of democracy in one-party New York City. 

In all three districts, Democrats make up 70 percent or more of registered voters — a higher percentage than New York City overall, where Democrats make up 66 percent. 

Just how Democratic are these seats? In the Cook Political Report’s ranking of the 435 House seats, with one being the most Democratic and 435 being the least Democratic, the 13th District ranks 11, the 10th ranks 12 and the 7th District ranks 29. 

If the Democrats lost 100 seats this fall, those three seats would very likely still be in the Democrat column. 

Despite all the focus and controversy, these surprise wins won’t change the makeup of the House. But battles between democratic socialists/progressive candidates and traditional liberal Democrats in the Senate, House and governorships are adding to the ideological schism dividing the party. The Michigan Senate primary is a case in point, but there are plenty of other similar races around the country.

Jeffries now faces the uncomfortable task of welcoming a group of democratic socialists/progressive radical members who defeated his own endorsed candidates. But he may need their votes to retain his leadership if Democrats win a narrow House majority. 

In the end, a higher number of democratic socialists/progressive caucus members is more likely to produce constant chaos rather than the 218 votes Jeffries would need to govern.  

David Winston is the president of The Winston Group and a longtime adviser to congressional Republicans. He previously served as the director of planning for Speaker Newt Gingrich. He advises Fortune 100 companies, foundations and nonprofit organizations on strategic planning and public policy issues, as well as serving as an election analyst for CBS News.

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